Monday, 9 March, 2020 - 14:00

Patterns in derivation of Czech: Applying the paradigmatic approach to Czech word-formation

Concurring with the recent discussion on derivational paradigms (Bonami & Strnadová 2018, Fernandéz-Alcaina & Čermák 2018, Štekauer 2014, and others), I will present two case studies which aim at identification of repeating patterns (paradigms) in derivational morphology of Czech.

First, suffixless action nouns derived from verbs (skok 'jump') are analysed and contrasted with unmotivated suffixless nouns (noc 'night') from which denominal verbs are derived. The corpus data reveal that suffixless action nouns correspond mostly to a pair of verbs with aspect-changing suffixes (cf. skákat : skočit 'to jump.PFV|IPFV' > skok 'jump'). In contrast, verbs that are based on nouns use a prefix to change the aspect (noc 'night' > nocovat 'to stay.IPFV overnight' > přenocovat 'to stay.PFV overnight').

The difference between verbs with verbal roots vs. nominal roots is elaborated into two patterns which are exploited in the second case study on verbal morphology. Assuming that, according to my analysis, Czech native verbs with verbal roots prefer to change the aspect by substituting the suffix (navrhnout : navrhovat 'to propose.PFV|IPFV') while verbs with nominal roots attach a prefix (nocovat : přenocovat 'to stay.PFV|IPFV overnight'), a clear dominance of the prefixation pattern with loan verbs (e.g. kontrolovat : zkontrolovat 'to control.PFV|IPFV') over the suffixation pattern (riskovat : risknout 'to risk.PFV|IPFV') suggests that loan verbs in Czech resemble native denominal verbs.



O. Bonami & J. Strnadová (2018): Paradigm structure and predictability in derivational morphology. Morphology 29(2):167–197.

C. Fernandéz-Alcaina & J. Čermák (2018): Derivational paradigms and competition in English: a diachronic study on competing causative verbs and their derivatives. SKASE Journal of Theoretical Linguistics 15(3): 69–97.

P. Štekauer (2014): Derivational paradigms. In The Oxford handbook of derivational morphology. OUP, 354–369.