The controller can be: ACT, PAT, ADDR or ORIG). Cf.:

In exceptional cases, the controller can also be an (obligatory) adjunct (LOC); cf.:

In some constructions in which the infinitive (one modification of which is controlled) depends on the verbal part of a verbonominal control predicate as its Actor (and in constructions derived from this one), the controller is the adjunct BEN; cf.:

An adjunct as a controller is a specific type of modification. The node for such a modification is always inserted in the tree if not present at the surface level. It is the only case when a non-obligatory adjunct is added to a tectogrammatical tree. Since it is always a Beneficiary, a special t-lemma substitute was introduced for such a controller: #Benef.

A Beneficiary is the controller in the constructions described in Section 2.4.4.4.2, ""Být" + noun the Actor of which can be expressed by an infinitival construction", Section 2.4.4.4.3, ""Být" + noun that cannot be modified by an infinitive", Section 2.4.4.4.4, ""Být" + modal or evaluating adjective (adverb)", Section 2.4.4.4.5, ""Být" + adjective or noun of "individual experience"", Section 2.4.4.4.6, ""Být" + predicative adverb" and Section 2.4.4.5, "Infinitive dependent on "lze" and control in constructions of the type "Je vidět Sněžku"" (and in the constructions derived from these).

The controller can also be represented by a whole clause (usually a subject clause). In these cases, there is a coreference relation between the controllee and the effective root node of the dependent clause. Cf.:

Figure 9.23. ACT as the controller

Podnik plánoval zvýšit výrobu. (=lit. Company planned to_increase production)

Figure 9.24. PAT as the controller

Rodiče ho poslali nakoupit. (=lit. Parents him sent to_shop)

Figure 9.25. ADDR as the controller

Rodiče Jirkovi radili jít tam. (=lit. Parents to_Jirka advised to_go there)

Figure 9.26. LOC as the controller

Být dobře zapsán u šéfa v něm vyvolávalo pocit hrdosti (=lit. To_be well registered with boss in him caused feeling (of) pride).

Figure 9.27. BEN as the controller

Je škoda ochudit se o tolik vzácných látek. (=lit. Is pity to_lose REFL - so_many valuable substances)

Figure 9.28. A dependent clause as the controller

Kdo nepožaduje nadstandardní služby, může se zaplacením poplatku otálet. (=lit. Who not_requires super-standard service, can with paying (of) fee be_slow)

The controllee is always a valency modification of the infinitive (or deverbal noun) dependent on the control verb; most often, it is the Actor, however, it can also be the Patient or Addressee, too (esp. with passive infinitives). This valency modification corresponds to the subject of the infinitive. Cf.:

Figure 9.29. PAT as the controllee

Honza se bál být spatřen. (=lit. Honza REFL was_afraid to_be seen)

Figure 9.30. ADDR as the controllee

Potřebujete poradit? (=lit. (Do you) need to_advise?)

Subject of the infinitive. The controllee is usuallly the non-expressed subject of the infinitive. The controllee has obligatorily the same reference as the controller and it is also obligatorily non-expressed. Therefore, not every infinitival subject is a controllee. Non-expressed subjects of infinitives can also have the t-lemma substitute #Gen or #PersPron. Moreover, subjects of infinitives can sometimes be expressed at the surface level. A survey of possible t-lemmas of expressed as well as non-expressed subjects of infinitives is in Table 9.4, "Subjects of infinitives: possible t-lemmas".

NB! The t-lemma substitute #Cor was introduced primarily for the controllee in control constructions. So far, it has been used also for non-expressed subjects of non-finite verb forms in constructions with dual dependency. Such constructions involve grammatical coreference but not control since the dependent non-finite verb form is neither a valency nor typical modification of the main verb (on grammatical coreference in these constructions see Section 2.3, "Coreference with verbal modifications that have dual dependency").

The infinitive a valency modification of which is controlled is usually a valency modification (the Actor, Patient, Effect) of the (governing) control verb. Cf.:

Non-valency infinitives a modifications of which are controlled are especially infinitives with the INTT functor (for a discussion regarding the INTT functor w.r.t. valency, see Section 2.3.1.3.5, "Status of the modification expressing "intention" (INTT) after verbs of "motion""). Cf.:

Another example:

NB! Cases of so called Slavic accusative + infinitive (Slyšel Karla otvírat.EFF dveře. (=He heard Karel open the door)) are not regular cases of control. See Section 2.3, "Coreference with verbal modifications that have dual dependency".

Figure 9.31. Control: infinitive as the Actor

Nevyplácí se mu pracovat. (=lit. Not_pays REFL him to_work)

Figure 9.32. Control: infinitive as the Patient

Vláda zamýšlí snížit daně. (=lit. Government intends to_lower taxes)

Figure 9.33. Control: infinitive as INTT

Přišel pomoci. (=lit. (He) came to_help)

Figure 9.34. Control: infinitive as INTT

Byli jsme to obhlédnout. (=lit. (We) were AUX it look_around)

NB! Also some verbs are considered control verbs which do not have infinitives as their modifications, but which are rather modified by a prepositional phrase with a deverbal noun one modification of which is controlled; e.g.: stíhat (=prosecute), podezírat (=suspect), obvinit (=blame), omluvit se (=apologize) (see Section 2.4.6.2, "Control verbs that cannot be modified by an infinitive"). The deverbal noun (a modification of which is controlled) can also occupy the position of a non-valency (just typical) modification. Cf.:

Not every construction with an infinitive is necessarily a control construction. There is no control involved in the following cases:

This also concerns:

The newly established node for the non-expressed subject of the infinitive (or its nominalization) has the #Gen or #PersPron t-lemma, depending on the type of ellipsis and the relevant coreference relation (see also Section 12.2, "Ellipsis of the dependent element").

The nominal parts of complex predicates (esp. with quasi-modal and quasi-phase verbs; see Section 9.2.1, "Quasi-modal and quasi-phase verbs") are often nouns one modification of which can have the form of an infinitive. One of the infinitive's modifications (usually the one in the subject position) is often controlled by the Actor of the verbal part of the complex predicate.

The Actor of the verbal part of a complex predicate is also usually identical in reference with the Actor of the nominal part of the complex predicate. This is so called quasi-control; see Section 9.3.4.2, "Sharing of valency modifications between the verbal and nominal components (quasi-control)".

Cf.:

More examples:

Figure 9.35. Complex control predicates

Máme záměr vyklidit prostory. (=lit. (We) have intention to_clear_out premises)

Figure 9.36. Complex control predicates

Petr dostal od šéfa rozkaz přijít. (=lit. Petr got from boss order to_come)

Figure 9.37. Complex control predicates

Šéf dal Petrovi rozkaz přijít. (=lit. Boss gave Petr order to_come)

Figure 9.38. Complex control predicates

Nyní se naskýtá možnost slyšet operu. (=lit. Now REFL comes possibility to_hear opera)

NB! Also with complex control predicates it is necessary to distinguish different meanings of the given predicate. E.g. mít zájem (=lit. have interest) has at least two meaning, which can be expressed by the following two verbs: chtít (=want) and zajímat se (=be interested in). Only in the first meaning, the predicate is a control predicate. Cf.:

Then, there is also mít zájem na něčem (=take interest in sth/have a stake in sth), which is not a control predicate either.

!!! There was a subsequent check on the representation of type 1 constructions with complex predicates (i.e. complex predicate + infinitive) and a list of complex control predicates was created (see Section 1, "Verbs of control"). As for the verbs in this list, it can be guaranteed that control is marked in the tectogrammatical trees as well. As for other control verbs, which are not listed, control is not marked consistently in the trees.

Some verbal idioms (see Section 8.2, "Verbal idioms") are also control predicates.

For verbal idioms, it can be said that in principle no argument ever depends on the dependent part of the idiom. The infinitive, which could - in theory - be said to depend on the dependent part of the idiom, is therefore always represented as dependent on the verbal part of the idiom. One of the infinitive's modifications (usually the one in the subject position) is controlled, usually by the Actor of the verbal part (or more precisely, the Actor of the whole idiom). Srov.:

Another example:

Figure 9.39. Verbal idioms as control predicates

Petr má v plánu vystudovat fakultu. (=lit. Petr has in plan to_study faculty)

Figure 9.40. Verbal idioms as control predicates

Nejsem s to to zvládnout. (=lit. (I) not_am with it it handle)

!!! Control with verbal idioms is not represented consistently in the data; often, it is not represented at all.

Verbonominal predicates with certain adjectives (e.g.: schopný (=able), ochotný (=willing), povinen (=obliged), povinován, náchylný (=inclined), připravený (=ready), způsobilý (=qualified)), especially quasi-modal predicates (see Section 9.2.1, "Quasi-modal and quasi-phase verbs"), are multi-word control predicates with which the infinitive is the Patient of the non-verbal (here:adjectival) part of the predicate.

In order for the combination být + adjective to belong to this type, it is essential that the adjective have the possibility to be modified by an infinitive (the infinitive is the Patient of the adjective).

The controlled modification of the infinitive (usually the subject) is controlled by the Actor of the copula být, which is identical in reference with the Actor of the adjective. However, in accordance with the rules for representing valency modifications of deverbal adjectives (see Section 2.3.3, "Valency of adjectives"), there is no node for the Actor dependent on the adjective. Cf.:

More examples:

Figure 9.41. Verbonominal control predicates

Pavel je ochoten přijít. (=lit. Pavel is willing to_come)

Figure 9.42. Verbonominal control predicates

Už je rozhodnutý nás opustit. (=lit. Already (he) is decided us to_leave)

!!! Control with predicates with the copula být is not represented consistently in the data.

The infinitive that depends on the verbal part of a verbonominal predicate is the Actor of the predicate. In such cases, control is often optional. What is special about these constructions is that the controlled modification of the infinitive is often controlled - apart from the usual arguments - by the modification with the BEN functor, which is dependent on the non-verbal part of the verbonominal predicate.

The following types of verbonominal predicates belong to this category:

These verbonominal predicates the non-verbal part of which is assigned the PAT functor, are related to the types with (predicative) adverbs, which are assigned the CPHR functor (see Section 2.1.3, "Copula "být" (verbonominal predicate)"):

These constructions can be divided into four subtypes, according to the functor of the controller:

Also the constructions with lze (=is_possible) are similar, as well as the constructions consisting of být and an infinitive of sensory perception or cognition, which is modified by a noun in the accusative ("Je vidět Sněžku (=It is possible to see Sněžka.ACC)", see Section 2.2.4, "The construction "Je vidět Sněžku/Sněžka""), which are discussed in Section 2.4.4.5, "Infinitive dependent on "lze" and control in constructions of the type "Je vidět Sněžku"".

There is no control in the constructions with the substitute být (see Section 2.1.2, "Substitute "být""), in which the infinitive is the Actor (e.g. je pozdě.TWHEN litovat.ACT (=It is too late to be sorry)). As for the constructions with the substitute být, there is control involved in those cases in which the infinitive is a modification with the INTT functor (see also Section 2.4.1.3, "Infinitive a valency modification of which is controlled").

!!! Control with predicates with the copula být is not represented consistently in the data; often, it is not represented at all.

2.4.4.4.1. "Být" + noun the Patient of which can be expressed by an infinitival construction

The nouns in predicates of the type být + noun, the Patient of which can be expressed by an infinitival construction, can have various meanings; most often, these are nouns otherwise used as parts of multi-word predicates synonymous with modal and phase verbs (see Section 9.2.1, "Quasi-modal and quasi-phase verbs") and verbs of "intention" and "responsibility acceptance" (see Section 2.4.2, "Types of control verbs"). These are especially nouns like: povinnost (=obligation), právo (=right), úkol (=task), cíl (=goal), strategie (=strategy) etc. More examples: přání (=wish), poslání (=vocation), omyl (=mistake/error), problém (=problem), řešení (=solution), zážitek (=experience), zvyk (=habit), riziko (=risk), způsob (=way), cesta (=way), důvod (=reason), možnost (=possibility) etc. The Patient of these nouns is usually expressed by a dependent infinitival construction (e.g.: způsob, jak to udělat (=a way to do it); see Section 5.1.1, "Dependent infinitival constructions").

In order for the combination být + noun to belong to this type, it is essential for the Patient of the noun to be expressible by an infinitive (infinitival construction).

The controlled modification of the infinitive dependent on být as its Actor is controlled by the Actor of the nominal part of the verbonominal predicate. The Actor of the noun does not have to be expressed at the surface level. With this type of construction, the control relation is represented only in those cases in which the controller and controllee are represented by an animate noun (or a noun referring to a living creature).

The infinitive in the position of the Actor of the verbonominal predicate is in a quasi-control relation with the Patient of the nominal part of the predicate (for more on quasi-control, see Section 2.5, "Quasi-control").

Cf.:

• Je povinností koalice.ACT {#Cor.ACT} nalézt.ACTcestu. (=It is the coalition's duty to find a way)

  The Actor of the infinitive nalézt (=find) is controlled by the Actor of the noun povinnost (=duty) (which is koalice). Cf. Fig. 9.43.

  More examples:

  Strategií jezdce.ACT je{#Cor.ACT} získat titul. (=The rider's strategy is to get a title)

  Je přáním pořadatelů.ACT {#Cor.ACT} navodit atmosféru. (=It is the organizers' wish to create a (good) atmosphere)

  Jeho.ACT cílem je{#Cor.ACT} umožnit nové metody. (=His aim is to make the new methods possible)

  Jediné právo občana.ACT je {#Cor.ACT} jít každé čtyři roky k volbám. (=The only citizen's right is to vote every four years)

  Je jeho.ACT posláním{#Cor.ACT} vytvořit nové podmínky pro rozvoj jedince. (=It is his mission to create new conditions for personal development)

• Je cílem ankety.APP {#Gen.ACT} zlepšit.ACTkvalitu. (=The goal of the survey is to increase the quality)

  The Actor of the infinitive zlepšit (=improve) is not represented as controlled.

  More examples:

  Cílem této akce je vrátit dětem zdraví. (=The goal of this campaign is to make the children healthy again)

  Cílem konference je přispět k diskuzi o jaderné energii. (=The goal of the conference is to contribute to the nuclear energy discussion)

• Cílem {#PersPron/#Gen.ACT} je {#Cor.ACT} zkvalitňovat chovy. (=The goal is to improve the quality of farming)

  The Actor of the infinitive zkvalitňovat (=improve the quality) is represented as controlled if it is clear from the context that the Actor of the noun cíl (=goal) is animate. Cf.: Fig. 9.44.

  More examples with a non-expressed controller:

  Až kvůli fanouškům byla povinnost se {#Cor.ACT} vrátit. (=There was a duty to come back)

  Je {#PersPron/#Gen.ACT} omylem si{#Cor.ACT} myslet něco jiného. (=It is a mistake to think something else)

  Je {#PersPron/#Gen.ACT} problémem {#Cor.ACT} dát dohromady kapitál. (=To get together some capital is a problem)

  {#Cor.ACT} Odebrat jim povolení je jediným možným {#PersPron/#Gen.ACT} řešením. (=The only possible solution is to suspend the permission)

  {#Cor.ACT} Vidět takovou událost byl {#PersPron/#Gen.ACT} zážitek. (=It was a great experience to be present at such an event)

  Nebylo zvykem {#PersPron/#Gen.ACT} {#Cor.ACT} užívat slova. (=It wasn't usual to use words)

  {#Cor.ACT} Přijmout na sebe soudcovskou odpovědnost v totalitním systému je mravní {#PersPron/#Gen.ACT} riziko. (=To accept the responsibility was a risk)

Note: In some case in which the controller is not expressed, it might not be quite clear that the controller is the non-expressed Actor. In principle, it could be the Beneficiary, too. Cf.:

• Předvést moderní umění je vzrušující úkol. (=To present modern art is an exciting task)

  • něčí.ACT úkol (=someone's task)

  • úkol pro někoho.BEN (=a task for someone)

In a sense, it is even possible to say that the nouns in these constructions have the so-called double control (see Section 2.4.1, "The notion of control"). However, the issue is of no real importance. In the annotation, the ACT functor is assigned to the node for the non-expressed controller in such constructions.

Figure 9.43. Verbonominal control predicates

Je povinností koalice nalézt cestu. (=lit. Is duty (of) coalition to_find way)

Figure 9.44. Verbonominal control predicates

Cílem je zkvalitňovat chovy. (=lit. Goal is to_increase_quality (of) farming)

NB! The rules above only apply to constructions with the copula use of být. In constructions, in which být is in its existential use, are analyzed according to the rules in Section 2.4.1, "The notion of control"; e.g.:

Je možnost využívat počítač. (=It is possible (lit. Is possibility) to use a computer) Fig. 9.45

Je čas odejít. (=It is time (lit. Is time) to go)

Figure 9.45. Control nouns

Je možnost využívat počítač. (=lit. Is possibility to_use computer)

2.4.4.4.2. "Být" + noun the Actor of which can be expressed by an infinitival construction

Optional control is involved also in the constructions být + modal or evaluating noun (e.g.: nutnost (=necessity), nevhodnost (=unsuitability)), the Actor of which can be expressed by an infinitival construction. Cf.:

• nutnost přijít.ACT včas (=lit. necessity to_come in_time).

These are mostly deadjectival nouns.

The controlled modification of the infinitive dependent on být as its Actor is controlled by the Beneficiary modifying the non-verbal part of the verbonominal predicate. The Beneficiary can also be non-expressed on the surface (see Section 2.4.1.1, "Controller").

Cf.:

• Je nutností.PAT {#Benef.BEN} {#Cor.ACT} pořídit.ACT vybavení. (=It is necessary (lit. Is necessity) to buy the equipment)

  The Actor of the infinitive pořídit (=buy/get) (dependent on být) is controlled by the non-expressed Beneficiary of the noun nutnost (=necessity). Cf. Fig. 9.46.

There is a quasi-control relation between the Actor of the verbonominal predicate (the infinitive) and the Actor of the noun in the non-verbal part of the predicate. For more on quasi-control, see Section 2.5, "Quasi-control".

Figure 9.46. Verbonominal control predicates

Je nutností pořídit vybavení. (=lit. Is necessity to_get equipment)

2.4.4.4.3. "Být" + noun that cannot be modified by an infinitive

Also in the constructions být + evaluating noun (e.g.: hračka (=piece_of_cake)) that cannot be modified by an infinitive, there is optional control involved. Cf.:

• *hračka zařídit vybavení (=lit. piece_of_cake to_get equipment)

The controlled modification of the infinitive dependent on být as its Actor is controlled by the Beneficiary modifying the non-verbal part of the verbonominal predicate. The Beneficiary can also be non-expressed on the surface (see Section 2.4.1.1, "Controller").

Cf.:

• {#Cor.ACT} Transformovat.ACT bezpečnostní složky je hračkou.PAT jen pro kouzelné dědečky.BEN (=To transform the security service is a piece of cake only for magicians)

  The Actor of the infinitive transformovat (dependent on být) is controlled by the Beneficiary modifying the non-verbal part of the predicate, i.e. the noun hračka (=piece_of_cake). Cf. Fig. 9.47.

Figure 9.47. Verbonominal control predicates

Transformovat bezpečnostní složky je hračkou jen pro kouzelné dědečky. (=lit. To_transform security components is piece_of_cake only for magic granddads)

2.4.4.4.4. "Být" + modal or evaluating adjective (adverb)

Modal and evaluating adjectives (adverbs) are e.g.: nutný (=necessary), možný (=possible), potřebný (=needed), nezbytný (=necessary); obtížný (=difficult), dobrý (=good), výhodný (=advantageous/convenient), vhodný (=suitable), příjemný (=pleasant), bezohledný (=inconsiderate), lehkomyslný (=thoughtless), kolegiální (=cooperative/loyal), ošklivý (=ugly), nefér (=unfair).

In constructions být + modal or evaluating adjective (adverb), the controlled modification of the infinitive dependent on být as its Actor is controlled either by the Origo or Beneficiary of the adjective (adverb). The Beneficiary and Origo can also be non-expressed. The Origo is the controller in those cases in which it is part of the valency frame of the adjective (adverb); otherwise, it is the Beneficiary (see Section 2.4.1.1, "Controller").

Cf.:

• Je pro finskou kapelu.BEN těžké.PAT {#Cor.ACT} prorazit.ACT? (=Is it hard for a Finnish band to be successful?)

  The Actor of the infinitive prorazit (=be successful) (dependent on být) is controlled by the Beneficiary (pro finskou kapelu) of the adjective těžký (=hard). Cf. Fig. 9.48.

• Je {#Benef.BEN} nutné {#Cor.ACT} přejít.ACT (=It is necessary to cross the street)

  The Actor of the infinitive přejít (=cross) (dependent on být) is controlled by the non-expressed Beneficiary of the adjective nutný (=necessary). Cf. Fig. 9.49.

• Je od něj.ORIG opravdu nefér.PAT {#Cor.ACT} nedodržet.ACT slib. (=It is really unfair of him not to keep the promise)

  The Actor of the infinitive nedodržet (=not keep) (dependent on být) is controlled by the Origo (od něj) of the adverb nefér (=unfair). Cf. Fig. 9.50.

Examples of constructions with a non-expressed Beneficiary:

Je {#Benef.BEN} možné {#Cor.ACT} udělat to. (=It is possible to do it)

Je {#Benef.BEN} nutné {#Cor.ACT} udělat to. (=It is necessary to do it)

Je {#Benef.BEN} potřebné {#Cor.ACT} udělat to. (=It is necessary to do it)

Je {#Benef.BEN} nezbytné {#Cor.ACT} udělat to. (=It is necessary to do it)

Examples of constructions where the Beneficiary is expressed:

Pro každého nového člena či pretendenta o členství v EU je vždy obtížné se s touto slučitelností {#Cor.ACT} vypořádat. (=For every new member of the EU, it is hard to deal with this)

Myslím si, že pro ženu je lepší třikrát denně {#Cor.ACT} použít rtěnku. (=I think that for a woman, it is better to use a lipstick three times a day)

Je jistě těžké pro televizní profesionály {#Cor.ACT} odepřít si realizaci toho či onoho projektu, když právě oni v denní praxi vidí, co všechno by se ještě dalo pěkného veřejnosti nabídnout. (=It is definitely hard for the TV professionals to deny themselves...)

Argument, že i pro školy by bylo výhodnější {#Cor.ACT} platit spíše jednu učitelku pro třicet žáků než dvě pro dvaatřicet, u některých ředitelů nezabírá. (=The argument that also for the schools it would be better to pay one teacher for thirty pupils than...)

{#Cor.ACT} Hněvat se na to, že vývoz surovin pokračuje, není pro nás výhodné. (=To be angry is not convenient for us)

NB! In these constructions, control relations are represented only if it is really clear that they are present. Hence, no control is found in:

• Není jasné, zda bude pro český tenis výhodnější smlouvu vypovědět či nikoli. (=It is not clear whether it is more convenient for the Czech tennis to terminate the contract)

  It is clear from the context that the contract is not going to be terminated by český tenis (=the Czech tennis); the given construction can be rephrased as: Není jasné, zda bude pro český tenis výhodnější, když někdo smlouvu vypoví či nikoli (=It is not clear whether it is more convenient for the Czech tennis if someone terminates the contract). There is no control in the construction.

Figure 9.48. Verbonominal control predicates

Je pro finskou kapelu těžké prorazit? (=lit. Is for Finnish band hard to_be_successful)

Figure 9.49. Verbonominal control predicates

Je nutné přejít. (=lit. Is necessary to_cross_over)

Figure 9.50. Verbonominal control predicates

Je od něj opravdu nefér nedodržet slib. (=lit. Is of him really unfair not_to_keep promise)

2.4.4.4.5. "Být" + adjective or noun of "individual experience"

Adjectives and nouns of "individual experience" are e.g.: trapný (=embarrassing), nepříjemný (=unpleasant), potěšení (=pleasure), radost (=joy).

In constructions být + adjective or noun of "individual experience", the controlled modification of the infinitive (dependent on být as its Actor) is controlled by the Beneficiary of the adjective or noun. The Beneficiary is usually a noun in the dative but the prepositional phrase pro+4 is also a possible form. The Beneficiary can also be non-expressed on the surface (see Section 2.4.1.1, "Controller").

Cf.:

• Je mu.BEN hloupé.PAT {#Cor.ACT} neodpovědět.ACT na dopis. (=He finds it stupid (lit. Is to_him stupid) not to answer the letter)

  The Actor of the infinitive odpovědět (=answer) (dependent on být) is controlled by the Beneficiary (mu) of the adjective hloupý (=stupid).

• Je mi/pro mě.BEN potěšením.PAT {#Cor.ACT} zúčastnit se.ACT této akce. (=It's a pleasure for me to take part in this event)

  The Actor of the infinitive zúčastnit se (=take part) (dependent on být) is controlled by the Beneficiary (mi/pro mě) of the noun potěšení (=pleasure).

More examples:

Je mu.BEN trapné.PAT {#Cor.ACT} odejít.ACT (=He finds it embarassing (lit. Is to _him embarrassing) to leave) Fig. 9.51

Je {#Benef.BEN} trapné.PAT {#Cor.ACT} přijít.ACT pozdě. (=He finds it embarassing (lit. Is to _him embarrassing) to be late) Fig. 9.52

Je mu.BEN nepříjemné.PAT {#Cor.ACT} stát.ACT dlouho ve frontě. (=He finds it unpleasant (lit. Is to _him unpleasant) to wait in a queue for a long time)

Figure 9.51. Verbonominal control predicates

Je mu trapné odejít. (=lit. Is to_him embarrassing to_leave)

Figure 9.52. Verbonominal control predicates

Je trapné přijít pozdě. (=lit. Is embarrassing to_come late)

2.4.4.4.6. "Být" + predicative adverb

Predicative adverbs are: třeba (=necessary.adv), potřeba (=necessary.adv), škoda (=pity), hanba (=shame), trapno (=embarrassing.adv), nutno (=necessary.adv), možno (=possible.adv), zatěžko (=hard.adv), stydno (=shameful.adv).

In constructions být + predicative adverb, the adverb is assigned the CPHR functor and the verb být has a special valency frame (see Section 2.1.3, "Copula "být" (verbonominal predicate)"). The controlled modification of the infinitive (dependent on být as its Actor) is controlled by the Addressee or Beneficiary. The Addressee is the controller in those cases when it is part of the valency frame of být (usually expressed at the surface level - a noun in dative); in other cases, the controller is the Beneficiary modifying the predicative adverb (see Section 2.4.1.1, "Controller").

Cf.:

• Je mi.ADDR hanba.CPHR {#Cor.ACT} přijít.ACT pozdě. (=lit. Is to_me shame to_come late)

  The Actor of the infinitive přijít (=come) (dependent on být) is controlled by the Addressee (mu) of the verb být.

• Je mu.BEN zatěžko.CPHR {#Cor.ACT} přijít.ACT včas. (=lit. Is to_him hard to_come in_time)

  The Actor of the infinitive přijít (dependent on být) is controlled by the Beneficiary (mu) modifying the adverb. Cf. Fig. 9.54.

• Studium už není {#Benef.BEN} možno.CPHR {#Cor.ACT} odkládat.ACT (=It is not possible to put off the study any more)

  The Actor of the infinitive odkládat (=put off) (dependent on být) is controlled by the non-expressed Beneficiary of the adverb. Cf. Fig. 9.53.

More examples with the Addressee as the controller:

Je mi.ADDR stydno.CPHR {#Cor.ACT} nepřijít.ACT (=I find it shameful (lit. Is to_me shameful) not to come)

Je mu.ADDR trapno.CPHR {#Cor.ACT} neudělat.ACT to. (=He finds it embarrassing (lit. Is to_him embarrassing) not to do it)

Je mi.ADDR líto.CPHR {#Cor.ACT} odejít.ACT (=lit. Is to_me sorry to_leave)

More examples with the Beneficiary as the controller:

Je {#Benef.BEN} možno.CPHR {#Cor.ACT} udělat to. (=It's possible to do it)

Je {#Benef.BEN} nutno.CPHR {#Cor.ACT} udělat to. (=It's necessary to do it)

Je {#Benef.BEN} zapotřebí.CPHR {#Cor.ACT} udělat to. (=It's necessary to do it)

Je {#Benef.BEN} škoda.CPHR se {#Cor.ACT} ochudit o tolik vzácných látek. (=It is a pity to be losing so many valuable substances)

Figure 9.53. Control in constructions "být" + predicative adverb

Studium už není možno odkládat. (=lit. Study.ACC already not_is possible.adv to_put_off)

Figure 9.54. Control in constructions "být" + predicative adverb

Je mu zatěžko přijít včas. (=liy. Is to_him hard.adv to_come in_time)

Control is present also in two more constructions, which are similar to each other:

Both constructions are described in more detail in Section 2.2.4, "The construction "Je vidět Sněžku/Sněžka"".

Constructions of the type "Je vidět Sněžka" (=lit. Is to_see Sněžka.NOM) (see also Section 2.2.4, "The construction "Je vidět Sněžku/Sněžka"") involve no control.

Figure 9.55. Control with the predicate "lze"

Lze tam přijít kdykoli. (=lit. Is_possible to_come anytime)

Figure 9.56. Control with constructions of the type "Je vidět Sněžku"

Je vidět Sněžku. (=lit. Is_possible to_see Sněžka.ACC)

!!! As for the constructions with lze, control is represented properly in the data; on the other hand, with the type "Je vidět Sněžku", control relations are not represented consistently.

Also modifications of infinitives dependent on certain nouns are controlled. These are nouns derived from control verbs, especially nouns that are often part of complex control predicates (e.g.: rozhodnutí (=decision), slib (=promise), možnost (=possibility), schopnost (=ability), nutnost (=necessity), povinnost (=duty), šance (=chance), právo (=right); also řešení (=solution); způsob (=way); cesta (=way); see also the note on the nouns of "intention" Section 2.4.2, "Types of control verbs").

The controlled modification of the infinitive is controlled by a valency modification of the noun. The infinitive depending on the noun is usually its Patient or Actor. The controller can have various functors, just as with type 1. The controller does not have to be expressed at the surface level; then, a new node with the appropriate t-lemma substitute is inserted into the tectogrammatical tree.

The following three situations are the most common:

Figure 9.57. Control nouns

jeho odhodlání přijít včas (=lit. his determination to_come in_time)

Figure 9.58. Control nouns

povinnost studentů odevzdat práci do pátku (=lit. duty (of) students to_submit work by Friday)

Figure 9.59. Control nouns

Platí tam přísný zákaz konzumovat alkoholické nápoje. (=lit. Holds there strict ban to_consume alcoholic beverages)

Figure 9.60. Control nouns

Nutnost přijít včas nás přiměla rychle dokončit rozdělanou práci. (=lit. Necessity to_come in_time us made quickly finish unfinished work)

!!! There was a subsequent check on the representation of type 2 constructions with nouns derived from control verbs (i.e. noun + infinitive) and a list of control nouns was created (see Section 3, "Control nouns"). As for the nouns in this list, it can be guaranteed that control is marked in the tectogrammatical trees as well. As for other control noun, which are not listed, control is not marked consistently in the trees.

Also modifications of infinitives dependent on certain adjectives are controlled. These are adjectives derived from control verbs, especially adjectives that are often part of verbonominal control predicates (e.g.:rozhodnutý (=decided), slibující (=promising), usilující (=striving), umožňující (=enabling), schopný (=able), odhodlaný (=determined), nutný (=necessary), povinný (=compulsory)).

The controller does not depend on the adjective. If the adjective modifies a noun the noun is the controller, then. Cf.:

In case the control adjective modifies a full verb (e.g.: uznat (=admit), shledat (=find), považovat (=consider)), the controller is one of the modifications of the verb, usually a noun in the accusative (the Patient). Cf.:

More examples:

Figure 9.61. Control adjectives

student usilující dokončit fakultu (=lit. student trying to_finish faculty)

Figure 9.62. Control adjectives

osoba povinná vydávat majetek. (=lit. person obliged to_issue property)

Figure 9.63. Control adjectives

Shledali ho schopným vyřešit situaci. (=lit. (They) found him able to_solve situation)

!!! Control with control adjectives is not represented consistently in the data; often, it is not represented at all.

The position of the infinitive (a modification of which is controlled) can also be occupied by a noun derived from it. Then, one of the noun's modifications is controlled - the one corresponding to the controlled modification of the infinitive. The controller is a modification of the control verb. Cf.:

The infinitive can be nominalized with all types of control verbs: one-word control verbs as well as complex and verbonominal control predicates. With verbs that can have two infinitival modifications (the subjects of which are controlled), both the infinitives can be nominalized.

For more on nominalized infinitives with complex control predicates, see Section 2.4.6.1.1, "A nominalized infinitive dependent on a complex control predicate".

Examples:

Figure 9.64. One-word control predicates

Rodiče zakázali synovi práci ve výškách. (=lit. Parents have_forbidden son work in heights)

Figure 9.65. Complex control predicates

Měl zájem o studium na vysoké škole. (=lit. (He) had interest in study at high school)

Figure 9.66. Verbonominal control predicates

Složení makléřských zkoušek je povinné pro všechny obchodníky. (=lit. Passing broker exams is obligatory for all businessmen)

Figure 9.67. One-word control predicate with double control

Získání amerického občanství vyžaduje od zájemců schopnost mluvit anglicky. (=lit. Getting American citizenship requires from applicants ability to_speak English)

No control is involved in constructions like: Má daleko k postupu. (=lit. Has far from promotion; meaning: He is not going to be promoted anytime soon); Má blíž k vyhazovu. (=lit. Has closer to being_fired)

2.4.6.1.1. A nominalized infinitive dependent on a complex control predicate

As was already suggested in Section 2.4.3, "Types of control constructions and the issue of nominalizations", nouns are by definition much vaguer than verbs (the infinitive), therefore, the decision whether a given combination of a complex predicate with a noun involves control or not is accompanied by several problems. Apart from the problems described in Section 2.4.3, "Types of control constructions and the issue of nominalizations", it is possible to find the following cases - within the complex predicate + noun combinations - that are not taken as cases of control:

• complex predicate + noun that is not a nominalized infinitive.

  For example: mít zájem o knihu (=lit. have interest in book), mít právo na peníze (=lit. have right on money).

  !!! Some of these cases can be interpreted as involving ellipsis of the nominalized infinitive (e.g.: mít právo na získaní peněz (=lit. have right on getting money)), but this type of ellipsis is not represented as such in the annotation at present.

• complex predicate + noun that could be a nominalized infinitive; however, the vagueness of the construction makes it unclear whether this is really so.

  For example: Máme v České republice zájem o výrobu drceného kamene (=lit. ...(we) have interest in production of crushed stone).

  This problem is closely related to the fact that control is associated with a particular meaning of the verb (see also Section 2.4.1, "The notion of control"). Cf.:

  • mít / projevit zájem o výrobu (=have / show interest in production)

    = want to produce.

  • mít / projevit zájem o něčí výrobu kamene (=have / show interest in production)

    = be interested in someone's production of stone

  !!! Whereas individual meanings of one-word control predicates are distinguished in the valency lexicon; the situation is different with complex control predicates. For example, the meaning difference above is not indicated in the valency lexicon - both meanings correspond to a single meaning.

  In these constructions (complex predicate + noun), the control relation is represented in the tree only if the presence of the grammatical coreference relation is obvious. For example, in the construction Máme v České republice zájem o výrobu drceného kamene. (=We are interested in crushed stone production here in the Czech republic) it is not clear which meaning we are dealing with, so the control is not represented in the tree.

In the constructions complex predicate + noun (just like in the complex predicate + infinitive cases; see Section 2.4.4.1, "Infinitive dependent on the nominal part of a complex control predicate"); the controller is a valency modification of the verbal part of the complex predicate (not the nominal one). For rules on representing coreference relations in this type of construction and for more on quasi-control, see also Section 9.3.4.2, "Sharing of valency modifications between the verbal and nominal components (quasi-control)".

The noun dependent on a complex control predicate can be (just like with the constructions verbal control predicate + infinitive) derived either from an active or passive infinitive. If it is derived from a passive infinitive, the controller is usually not the Actor but rather the Patient or Addressee. Cf.:

• Slavia má značnou šanci na {#Cor.ACT} postup. (=Slavia has a good chance to get through (=lit. for promotion)

  = an active infinitive is nominalized.

  The Actor of the noun postup (=promotion) (dependent on the nominal part of mít šanci (=have a chance)) is controlled by the Actor of the verbal part of the control predicate (i.e. the noun Slavia), which is identical in reference with the non-expressed Actor of the noun šance (=chance). Cf. Fig. 9.68.

• Novela nemá naději na {#Cor.PAT} přijetí. (=The amendment has no chance to pass (lit. for acceptence))

  = a passive infinitive is nominalized.

  The Patient of the noun přijetí (=acceptance) (dependent on the nominal part of mít naději (=have a chance)) is controlled by the Actor of the verbal part of the predicate (i.e. the noun novela (=amendment)), which is identical in reference with the non-expressed Actor of naděje (=chance). Cf. Fig. 9.69.

• Všichni akcionáři mají nárok na {#Cor.ADDR} vyplacení dividendy. (=All shareholders have a right to get the dividends (lit. for paying dividends))

  = a passive infinitive is nominalized.

  The Addressee of the noun vyplacení (=paiying) (dependent on the nominal part of the predicate mít nárok (=have a right)) is controlled by the Actor of the verbal part of the predicate (i.e. the noun akcionáři (=shareholders)), which is identical in reference with the non-expressed Actor of the noun nárok (=right). Cf. Fig. 9.70.

More examples of active infinitives being nominalized:

Koalice učinila pokus o {#Cor.PAT} zavedení majetkové daně. (=The Coalition made an attempt to introduce the property tax)

Klient má možnost neomezeného {#Cor.PAT} výběru. (=The client has the possibility of unlimited choice)

Cukrovar má potíže se {#Cor.PAT} získáním úvěru. (=The sugar refinery has difficulties getting a loan)

More examples of passive infinitives being nominalized:

Návrh ODS má malou naději na {#Cor.PAT} realizaci. (=The ODS proposal has little chance to be realized (lit. for realization))

Tito lidé mají nárok na {#Cor.PAT} odškodnění. (=These people have the right to be compensated (=lit. for compensation)

Figure 9.68. Complex control predicates

Slavia má značnou šanci na postup. (=lit. Slavia has considerable chance for promotion)

Figure 9.69. Complex control predicates

Novela nemá naději na přijetí. (=lit. Amendment not_has chance for passing)

Figure 9.70. Complex control predicates

Všichni akcionáři mají nárok na vyplacení dividendy. (=lit. All shareholders have right for paying dividends)

!!! There was a subsequent check on the representation of type 3 constructions with complex predicates (i.e. complex predicate + noun) and a list of complex control predicates was created (see Table E.1, "Control type 3 of complex predicates"). As for the complex predicates in this list, it can be guaranteed that control is marked in the tectogrammatical trees as well. As for other complex control predicates, which are not listed, control is not marked consistently in the trees.

Some control verbs cannot be modified by an infinitive. They are modified by deverbal nouns, a modification of which is controlled by a valency modification (usually the Actor) of the verb. These are verbs like: podezírat (=suspect), stíhat (=prosecute), obvinit (=accuse), očekávat (=expect), pochválit (=praise), omluvit se (=apologize), pracovat na něčem (=work on sth). Some of these verbs combine with deverbal nouns with the CAUS or DIR1 functors (or other adjunct functors) Cf.:

More examples:

Figure 9.71. Control verbs

Policie ho stíhá pro falšování dokladů. (=lit. Police him is_prosecuting for falsifying documents)

Figure 9.72. Control verbs

Očekávali ode mě účast na schůzce. (=lit. (They) expected from me presence at meeting)

!!! With control verbs that cannot be modified by an infinitive, the type 3 control is not represented consistently in the data or it is not represented at all.

Control is involved also in cases in which a deverbal noun (in place of an infinitive) depends on a control noun.

A valency modification of the dependent noun (usually the one corresponding to the subject) is controlled by one of the valency modifications of the control noun. The controller can have various functors, just as with type 1. The controller does not have to be expressed at the surface level; then, a new node with the appropriate t-lemma substitute is inserted into the tectogrammatical tree. Cf.:

The control noun can be derived from a one-word control predicate as well as from a complex or verbonominal control predicate.

Examples:

Figure 9.73. Control nouns

Petrovo úsilí o zajištění Pavlovy přítomnosti na semináři. (=lit. Petr's effort in securing Pavel's presence in class)

Figure 9.74. Control nouns

umožnění vyřizování dokladů na počkání (=lit. enabling (of) issuing documents while waiting)

Figure 9.75. Control nouns

jeho šance na získání zakázek (=lit. his chance for getting orders)

Figure 9.76. Control nouns

Nutnost ucházení se o zaměstnání je přiměla k rychlému jednání. (=lit. Necessity (of) applying REFL for job them made to quick acting)

Figure 9.77. Control nouns

jeho ochota k užití kompetencí (=lit. his willingness to using competences)

Control is involved also in cases in which a deverbal noun (in place of an infinitive) depends on a control adjective.

The controller does not depend on the adjective. The controllee (usually the subject) - if the control adjective modifies a noun - is controlled by the noun. Cf.:

In those cases when the control adjective modifies a full verb (e.g.: uznat (=admit), shledat (=find), považovat (=consider)), the controller is one of the modifications of the verb, usually a noun in the accusative (the Patient). Cf.:

The control adjective can be derived from a one-word control predicate as well as from a complex or verbonominal control predicate.

Examples:

Figure 9.78. Control adjectives

student usilující o dokončení fakulty (=lit. student trying at finishing faculty)

Figure 9.79. Control adjectives

poslanec odhodlaný k odchodu ze strany (=lit. deputy determined to leaving from party)

Figure 9.80. Control adjectives

Shledali ho ochotným k navázání kontaktu. (=lit. (They) found him willing to making contact)

Also those control verbs can be nominalized that cannot be modified by an infinitive but that are rather modified by deverbal nouns one modification of which (usually the Actor) is controlled by a valency modification of the nominalized control verb. These are nouns derived from verbs like: podezírat (=suspect), stíhat (=prosecute), obvinit (=accuse), očekávat (=expect), pochválit (=praise), omluvit se (=apologize), pracovat na něčem (=work on sth). Cf.:

More examples:

Figure 9.81. Control nouns

Soudkyně zahájila proti zatčené stíhání za nepovolené ozbrojování. (=lit. Judge started against (the) arrested prosecution for illegal arming)

Also those control verbs can become adjectives that cannot be modified by an infinitive but that are rather modified by deverbal nouns one modification of which (usually the Actor) is controlled. These are adjectives derived from verbs like: podezírat (=suspect), stíhat (=prosecute), obvinit (=accuse), očekávat (=expect), pochválit (=praise), omluvit se (=apologize), pracovat na něčem (=work on sth).

The controller does not depend on the adjective derived from a control verb. One of the valency modifications of the deverbal noun is - in those cases when the control adjective modifies a noun - controlled by this noun. Cf.:

In case the control adjective modifies a full verb (e.g.: uznat (=admit), shledat (=find), považovat (=consider)), the controller is one of the modifications of the verb, usually a noun in the accusative (the Patient). Cf.:

More examples:

Figure 9.82. Control adjectives

člověk podezřelý z vraždy (=lit. person suspected from murder)

Figure 9.83. Control adjectives

Považovali ho za obviněného z vraždy. (=lit. (They) took him for accused of murder)